Andronikos Kamateros' biography


On the basis of the offices he held subsequently, Andronikos, the author of the Sacred Arsenal, was probably born around 1110. To judge from his subsequent career, his floruit spanned the second and the third quarter of the twelfth century.

We do not have any precise information about his youth and his education. We can suppose he followed the standard Byzantine curriculum studiorum for those who belonged to the highest social class. Comments in the life of Leontios, patriarch of Jerusalem, and the Chiliads of Tzetzes confirm that Andronikos studied Law and Rhetoric. The first source clearly states, ‘He [Andronikos] had studied the laws thoroughly, through which affairs of state are accomplished’,[1] while Tzetzes, although not being so precise, mentions him in the context of a diatribe on Hermogenes’ rhetorical theory.[2] Equally, it is absolutely clear from the panegyrical prefaces to the Sacred Arsenal that Kamateros was well acquainted with the art of rhetoric. There are no sources regarding his theological instruction; nevertheless, a sentence from the proem of the Sacred Arsenal can be interpreted as the proof of his lifelong interest in theology and Scriptures. Kamateros tells us that the emperor assigned to him the task of completing a Scriptural anthology and describes himself with these words, ἡμῖν τὴν περὶ τούτου φροντίδα τοῖς τάχα περὶ λόγους ἀσχολουμένοις ἀνέθετο.[3]

Throughout the Sacred Arsenal, there are passages that prove also Kamateros’ knowledge of philosophy. The twelfth century revival of interest in Aristotelian philosophy[4] is represented in the Sacred Arsenal (e.g. in the distinction between ὕλη and εἶδος),[5] as is the interest in Euclidean geometry (e.g. relation between σημεῖον, γραμμή and σώματος ἐπιφάνεια).[6] Furthermore, three out of the five authors Theophylact of Ochrid, Nicholas of Methone, Eustratios of Nicaea, Niketas of Byzantium and Photios who form the final collection of syllogisms in the Sacred Arsenal are not only contemporary authors (Theophylact of Ochrid, Nicholas of Methone and Eustratios of Nicaea), but the last two of these are also well known for being Aristotelian philosophers.[7]

The first office Kamateros is known to have held is that of epi ton deeseon. This in fact is the title that George Tornikes[8] used when addressing him in a letter dated about 1155, in which he informs Kamateros of his appointment as metropolitan of Ephesos and asks Andronikos’ protection. In 1157, Andronikos was present at the General Synod of Blachernae (12 May 1157), when he is designated as pansebastos sebastos, and eparchos of Constantinople.[9] John Tzetzes confirms these titles in his letters[10] to Andronikos, where he calls him pansebastos and sebastos and eparchos of Constantinople. Certainly Tzetzes was a close friend of the Kamateros family[11] at least until he had some ‘démêlés littéraires’[12] with Andronikos who treated him publicly as ἀρρητόρευτος and ἀμαθής, a dispute about which he informs us in his Chiliads.[13]
Kinnamos[14] notes that in 1161, Manuel Komnenos, after having organised a mission led by a Basil Kamateros akolouthos[15] to check the beauty of his wife-to-be, sent Andronikos[16] together with Nikephoros Bryennios and Alexios Komnenos, as ambassador to ask the hand of Mary of Antioch, daughter of Prince Raymond, in marriage. On this occasion, Andronikos is addressed with the title of eparchos of Constantinople:
Ἐν οἷς καὶ Ἀνδρόνικος ἦν ὁ Καματηρὸς ὃς τὴν ἔπαρχον τότε διεῖπεν ἀρχήν, ἀνὴρ σεβαστότητι μὲν ἀξιωθεὶς ξυγγενὴς δὲ βασιλεῖ καὶ αὐτὸς ὥν.

After 1166, he held the office of megas droungarios tes viglas; with this title he participated on 6 March 1166[17] in the synod dedicated to the sentence from the Gospel ‘Pater major me est’ (John 14: 28), and was present at the synod held on 30 January 1170.[18] His title of megas droungarios tes viglas is also mentioned in some epigrams preserved in the manuscript Marcianus Graecus 524 (coll. 318)[19] in which are described some precious icons donated or embellished by Kamateros.[20] In 1173, on the occasion of the prostagma concerning absentee bishops, in which Manuel wanted to reduce the time spent by bishops in the capital, Andronikos was asked by the emperor to ensure that this document was registered and communicated to all.[21] Andronikos was the recipient of two letters[22] (εὐχαριστήριος λόγος), written circa 1175, by the krites tou velou Gregory Antiochos[23] in which the subordination of the latter to the former is clear. In fact, as Magdalino points out, ‘As megas droungarios, Andronikos was the head of the law-court to which Gregory was appointed as krites tou velou’.[24] Gregory apologizes for the delay of his letters and reassures Andronikos that he had not forgotten the favours received and solicits his patron for some other things due to him, probably a promotion or money. In the second letter, Gregory thanks Kamateros for benefits that he had received.

During the same period (1170-75), Andronikos was the person charged by Manuel with the composition of a work, the Sacred Arsenal, which would summarize the theological differences between Constantinople and Rome, and Constantinople and the Armenian monophysites, and which would include a patristic apparatus in defence of the dogmatic positions of the Orthodox church. It is important with regard to this task to note that Manuel, following his grandfather’s footsteps, ordered the composition of a colossal work on heresies and different confessions, but unlike Alexios he entrusted the composition not to a churchman but to a high-ranking imperial official, ‘his justice minister’.[25] Does this difference have a meaning? Can we detect in this difference, other than a dissimilar ecclesiastical policy, a dangerous situation from which Manuel was trying to rescue his reputation as an orthodox emperor? Certainly, the philo-Latin behaviour of Manuel caused the emperor’s unpopularity, at least in certain conservative circles, but to what extent the Sacred Arsenal can be understood as a defence of Manuel’s orthodox faith is a matter for discussion.[26]

 It seems interesting to note the connection between the Kamateros family and the island of Patmos. Indeed we have seen previously that Andronikos’ grandfather, the μάγιστρος καὶ κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου Basil (I) in April 1088 signed the official document of the donation of the island of Patmos to Saint Christodoulos in the name of his son Gregory, the father of Andronikos, who at that time was λογαριαστὴς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ γενικοῦ,[27] and the last time that Kamateros can be found associated with the office of megas droungarios is in an act of Patmos of April 1176 in which the monastery’s revenues are re-established.[28] Moreover, Andronikos had connections with Leontios, the abbot of Patmos at that time. The evidence for his friendship with Leontios can be found in the Life of Leontios patriarch of Jerusalem.

 

And first of all he [Leontios] met a man who, though wise in religious matters, was even wiser in human affairs and enjoyed a great intimacy with the emperors, and was of the first ranks of the senate, as he had studied the laws thoroughly, through which affairs of state are accomplished, and had tied, or rather traced, his family relationship to emperors, and was honoured with a very high office (the Romans call ‘droungarios’ the one who happens to be appointed to it, adding the ‘great’ as well); one of his daughters was elevated to the height and was known as Roman empress, since her husband governed the Romans as an emperor. When the great one became acquainted with this man, he was loved as a friend, he was respected as a father, he was honoured as a man of God. Consequently, the official did not want to keep the good for himself alone; he was not jealous of sharing the grace with many others as well; and first of all he shared it with the emperor (he was the renowned Manuel), for he was first in rank and knew how to honour virtue. And, when the time came, on presenting the blest one to him, he said: ‘Here is the man of God, oh King, whom I offer as one who will pray for your reign, and I am confident that he can move God’s mercy whenever he wants’.[29]

 

According to the narration of the life of this saint, Andronikos introduced Leontios to the emperor when Leontios was abbot of the monastery of Saint John the Theologian in Patmos[30] and as a consequence Manuel offered the latter the archbishoprics of Kiev and Cyprus which he declined. He was eventually appointed patriarch of Jerusalem around April 1176. In addition, Manuel through a prostaxis (April 1176) replaced the previous allowance of 700 modioi of wheat, of which the monastery had been deprived, with two pounds of gold from the tax revenue of Crete.[31]


Paul Magdalino numbers Kamateros amongst those seven magnates (George Palaiologos, John Doukas, Nikephoros Komnenos, Andronikos Kamateros, Michael Hagiotheodorites, John Kontostephanos and Alexios Kontostephanos) who during the reign of Manuel held literary circles in their homes.[32] The earlier mention of distinguished personages has already proved the correctness of this assertion of magnate status; however, it is possible to add more illustrious personages to the number of Kamateros’ acquaintances.

Euthymios Malakes (1115-before 1204), metropolitan of Neopatras (from before 1166) and writer, friend and kinsman also of the Tornikes brothers (one of his sisters married the logothete Demetrios Tornikes[33]), who wrote two famous panegyrics for Manuel Komnenos,[34] addressed two letters to Andronikos, calling him sebastos and megas droungarios.[35]

Theodore Balsamon, the most famous canonist of Manuel’s reign, wrote to Kamateros, μεγάλῳ δρουγκαρίῳ, a letter of consolation.[36]

Theodore Prodromos[37] wrote a votive epigram for an icon of the Theotokos that Andronikos had ordered for his house, where Mary is depicted together with Saint Nicholas, Gregory of Nazianzos, John Chrysostom and Basil of Caesarea.[38]

Last in our list of Kamateros’ acquaintances is George Skylitzes,[39] about whom we know very little. He was governor of Serdica (Sofia) under Manuel,[40] and played a part at the synod of the Great Palace on 6 March 1166[41] when he holds these titles, μεγαλεπιφανεστάτου πρωτοκουροπαλάτου τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γραμματικοῦ Γεωργίου τοῦ Σκυλίτζη. On this occasion, he was the intermediary between Manuel and the synod. Through him, in fact, Manuel suggested to the synod how they should have dealt with the case of the Metropolitan of Nicaea.[42] Following Magdalino’s reconstruction,[43] we consider him to be the author of the iambic poem that introduces the Sacred Arsenal.[44]

 

It is difficult to establish the precise chronological limits of Andronikos’ life. Following Darrouzès’ reconstruction, John (I) and Andronikos were of the same generation as George and Demetrios Tornikes but 10 or 15 years older.[45] Now, because it seems likely that George was born between 1110 and 1120,[46] it can be concluded that Andronikos’ year of birth was probably between 1095 and 1110. No information has survived about his death, Darrouzès again proposes a period: about 1180, but he does not give any justification for this chronology.[47] If the year 1180 is accepted for the death of Andronikos, it seems most probable that the date of birth should have been in circa 1110, so that he was epi ton deeseon at the age of approximately 45, eparch between the age of 47 and 51 and megas droungarios tes viglas when he was between 56 and 66 years old. Kamateros had four children: two sons and two daughters.[48]

A private seal published by Lichaĉev [49] probably belonged to the author of the Sacred Arsenal: Θεοτόκε,βοήθει Ἀνδρονίκῳ τῷ Καματηρῷ.
A second seal was published by Jordanov in 2006[50] :
Θεοτόκε βοήθει Ἀνδρονίκῳ σεβαστῷ τῷ Καματηρῷ.

 



[1] Theodosios Goudelis, ed. Tsougarakis, D., The life of Leontios, Patriarch of Jerusalem, Medieval Mediterranean 2 (Leiden, 1993), p. 105.

[2] John Tzetzes, Chiliads, ed. Leone, P., Ioannis Tzetzae Historiae (Napoli, 1968), XI, p. 438, l. 211.

[3] M 7r.

[4] Magdalino, Manuel, p. 332.

[5] M 21v.

[6] M 22v-23r.

[7] Eustratios and Nicholas of Methone, cfr. Magdalino, Manuel, pp. 332-333.

[8] Darrouzès, Tornikès, letter 16, pp. 140-141.

[9] Sakkelion, Πατμιακὴ βιβλιοθήκη, p. 316.

[10] Tzetzes, Epistulae, p. 147, letter 101; p. 149, letter 103. Letter 90, p. 130, does not mention the title eparchos. Cfr. for chronology Shepard, J., ‘Tzetzes' letters to Leo at Dristra’, BF 6 (1979), pp. 191-239, at p. 214; Grünbart, ‘Prosopographische’, pp. 217, 220.

[11] Cfr. Pétridès, ‘Epitaphe de Théodore Kamatéros’.

[12] Darrouzès, Tornikès, p. 44, n. 7.

[13] Tzetzes, Chiliads, IX, p. 370, l. 656; XI, p. 438, l. 211; Tzetzes, Epistulae, no. 69, p. 98.

[14] John Kinnamos, ed. Meineke, A., Ioannis Cinnami Epitome rerum ab Ioanne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum, CSHB (Bonn, 1836), p. 210, line 7.

[15] It seems plausible that we are talking about Basil (IV) the patriarch, see below p. 20; cfr. Gregory Antiochos, ed. Loukaki, M., Éloge du patriarche Basile Kamatèros (Paris, 1996), p. 36. Guilland identifies a Basil Kamateros akolouthos by himself and not to be confused with the homonymous others Guilland, ‘Les Logothètes’, p. 63.

[16] Kinnamos, Epitome, p. 210, ll. 18-20; Dölger, Regesten, no. 1442.

[17] Sakkos, Ekthesis, p. 154, ll. 26-27; Grumel, V., Laurent, V. and Darrouzès, J., Les Regestes des actes du Patriarcat de Constantinople (Paris, 1989), no. 1075.

[18] Sakkos, S. N., ’Ἡ ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει Σύνοδος τοῦ 1170’, Χαριστήριον εἰς τὸν καθηγητὴν Παναγιώτην Κ. Χρήστου, Σπουδαστήριον τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς γραμματολογίας, 6 (Thessaloniki, 1967), pp. 311-353, at p. 332, l. 23; Grumel, Darrouzès, Regestes, no. 1109.

[19] Lampros, ‘Marcianus 524’, nos. 81, 88, 91, 93, 94, 97, pp. 48ff. Cfr. verses quoted above note 20.

[20] See Magdalino, Manuel, p. 476.

[21] Darrouzès, J., ‘Décret inédits de Manuel Comnène’, REB 31 (1973), pp. 307-317, at p. 317; Dölger, Regesten, no. 1333A; Darrouzès, J., Recherches sur les ὀφφίκια de l'église byzantine (Paris, 1970), p. 514.

[22] Ms. Scorialensis Graecus (265) Y II 10, ff. 378-385. Resumed by Darrouzès, J., ‘Notice sur Grégoire Antiochos (1160 à 1196) I. Son oeuvre. II. Son carrière. III. La fondation du monastère Saint Basile’, REB 20 (1962), pp. 68-69. Summarised also in Antiochos, Éloge du Basile Kamatèros, pp. 142-143; Hunger, Literatur, vol. 1, p. 151; Magdalino, Manuel, p. 348. Manuscript description in De Andrés, G., Catálogo de los codices griegos de la real biblioteca de El Escorial (Madrid, 1967), vol. 2, pp. 120-131.

[23] On Antiochos’ life Darrouzès, ‘Notice sur Grégoire Antiochos’, pp. 61-92; Loukaki, M., ‘Contribution à l' etude de la famille Antiochos’, REB 50 (1992), pp. 185-205, at pp. 201-202; Antiochos, Éloge du Basile Kamatèros, pp. 3-28.

[24] Magdalino, Manuel, p. 350.

[25] Magdalino, Manuel, p. 290.

[26] Magdalino, Manuel, p. 369, 461.

[27] Miklosich and Müller, MM, vol. 6, p. 50; Dölger, Regesten, no. 1148; Vranouse, Vyzantina engrapha, vol. 1, no. 48, pp. 338-339.

[28] Vranouse, Vyzantina engrapha, vol. 1, no. 22 (line 30), pp. 217-224; Vranouse, E. L., ‘Πατμιακὰ Β. Πρόσταξις τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Μανουὴλ Α᾿ Κομνηνοῦ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐν Πάτμῳ μονῆς Ἰωάννου τοῦ Θεολόγου’, Χαριστήριον εἰς Ἀναστάσιον Κ. Ὀρλάνδον (Athens, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 78-97; henceforward abbreviated ‘Patmiaka’.

[29] English translation by Tsougarakis, D., The life of Leontios p. 105; commentary at pp. 191-193; Vranouse, ‘Patmiaka’, p. 95.

[30] Vranouse, ‘Patmiaka’, pp. 94-95.

[31] Vranouse, Vyzantina engrapha, vol. 1, no. 22.

[32] Magdalino, Manuel, p. 344.

[33] Darrouzès, Tornikès, p. 26.

[34] Euthymios Malakes, ed. Bones, K. G., Εὐθυμίου τοῦ Μαλάκη μητροπολίτου Νέων Πατρῶν (Ὑπάτης) Δύο Ἐγκωμιαστικοὶ Λόγοι, νῦν τὸ πρῶτον ἐκδιδόμενοι, εἰς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα Μανουὴλ Α᾿ Κομνηνὸν (1143-80)’, Θεολογία 19 & 20 (1941-48; 1949), vol. 19, pp. 513-558, 708-717; vol. 20, pp. 140-156, 280-300.

[35] Euthymios Malakes, ed. Bones, K. G.,Εὐθυμίου τοῦ Μαλάκη μητροπολίτου Νέων Πατρῶν (Ὑπάτης) τὰ σωζόμενα᾿, Θεολογικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη 2 (1937), letters 31 and 32, consulted on TLG on-line. He mentions an imperial θέσπισμα in letter 32, but I could not work out which he is referring to. Judging from the title attributed to Kamateros in letter 31 (megas droungarios), we could date these letters after 1166.

[36] Miller states that he found this letter in a Venetian manuscript, but he does specify the shelf-mark; Miller, E., Catalogue des manuscrits grecs de la bibliothèque de l'Escurial (Paris, 1848), vol. 23, part 2, p. 42.

[37] Prodromos, Historische Gedichte, epigram 57, p. 467.

[38] Hörandner supposes that the person mentioned in the epigram 54, vv. 192-195 could be Andronikos Kamateros, in Prodromos, Historische Gedichte, p. 458.

[39] Beck, Kirche, p. 663.

[40] Cfr. Kazhdan in ODB, s.v. ‘Skylitzes, George’.

[41] Sakkos, Ekthesis, p. 155.

[42] Cfr. Magdalino, Manuel, p. 290.

[43] Magdalino, Manuel, p. 319. Another George Skylitzes is mentioned also in an epigram edited by Lampros, Lampros, ‘Marcianus 524’, p. 186, no. 367; cfr. Kazhdan in ODB, s.v. ‘Skylitzes, George’.

[44] Demetrakopoulos, Graecia Orthodoxa, pp. 26-29; SA, pp. 4-6 G.

[45] Darrouzès, Tornikès, p. 49.

[46] Darrouzès, Tornikès, p. 27.

[47] Darrouzès, Tornikès, p. 49.

[48] Darrouzès counts only three children, ignoring the seal that mentions Theodora, Darrouzès, Tornikès, pp. 43-49.

[49] Lichacev, N. P., Istoriceskoe Znacenie italo-greceskoj iconopisi izobražnija Bogomateri (Saint Petersburg, 1911), p. 124, no. 2, reference quoted by Laurent, ‘Un sceau inédit’, p. 261, n. 7, I could not check it.

[50] Iordanov, I., Corpus of Byzantine seals from Bulgaria, (Sofia, 2006), pp. vol. 2, number 252,  pp. 167-169.